From 1990 to 1993 I directed civil rights policy for the San Francisco Coalition on Homelessness, and during that time I witnessed the beginning of what would become a national backlash against homeless people. San Francisco Mayor Art Agnos had made extensive efforts to address what appeared at first to be a short-term problem made worse by the economic slowdown of the early 1980s and then exacerbated by the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake, which damaged a significant amount of the city’s low-cost housing. Within a few years, however, the problem had become worse, with homeless people encamped throughout the city, undermining the usability of parks, sidewalks, and other public spaces. The mayor’s response was to begin to target homeless people in certain high-visibility areas of the city such as Golden Gate Park, the Civic Center, and Union Square. Through aggressive ticketing by police and outreach efforts by social workers, he attempted to restore order to those parts of the city. His efforts, however, were unsuccessful, as he lacked both the housing and services to move people off the streets and the willingness to fully engage the police in a program of harassment, intimidation, and arrests. By 1992, public frustration with Agnos’s failure to “solve” homelessness through either progressive or regressive means resulted in his ouster. He was replaced by the city’s police chief, Frank Jordan, who campaigned on a platform of removing the homeless and restoring order through aggressive policing. In 1993 he initiated the “Matrix” program, which gave the police new authority and political backing for a concerted crackdown on public homelessness. Encampments were removed from public parks and plazas; thousands of tickets were issued for minor legal violations; and hundreds of homeless people were sent to jail. Despite these aggressive efforts to restore order, the number of people without a place to live continued to increase and public order remained impaired, with the problem often being shifted from the central city to outlying neighborhoods. Although Jordan’s backlash brought limited relief to a handful of targeted areas, it also engendered misery, anger, and hopelessness in thousands of homeless people.

Книга Джона Дикки "Cosa Nostra: история сицилийской мафии" в настоящее время является самым объемным исследованием жизни тайного преступного сообщества Сицилии, переведенным на русский язык. Без налета кинемотографического романтизма описана ужасающая реальность преступной деятельности Коза Ностра на протяжении двух столетий: рэкет, торговля наркотиками, похищения и убийства невинных людей, политическая коррупция, террор. Мафия, описанная здесь, совсем не похожа на ее стилизованное отображение в фильмах и романах с мифами о "верности традициям" и благородстве "людей чести". Имя этой преступной организации давно стало нарицательным. Коза Ностра – не просто название, фактически это – криминальный бренд, олицетворение тайной власти, основанной на насилии и кровопролитии. Самая жестокая, самая неуловимая, самая эффективная преступная организация мира – такова сицилийская мафия, широко известная под именем Коза Ностра. Война с мафией, продолжающаяся почти двести лет, создала этой организации ореол неуязвимости, но, как показали события конца XX столетия, мафию все же возможно победить. Как мафия достигла своего могущества, чего она добивается и чьей поддержкой пользуется, каковы ее планы на будущее – обо всем этом рассказывается в уникальном исследовании Джона Дикки. Коза Ностре посвящено немало книг; тем не менее, работа Джона Дикки стоит особняком – до сих пор ничего подобного этой книге еще не было. Впервые под одной обложкой собраны все известные на сегодня сведения о Коза Ностре, все подробности жизни тайного преступного общества Сицилии: от мафиозного кодекса чести и обрядов посвящения до политической коррупции и деловых интересов мафиози, от методов управления этой криминальной организацией до «бизнес-модели», которой она придерживается. Если вы хотите узнать, какой мафия была и чем живет и дышит сегодня, составить представление о ее деятельности на протяжении двух столетий, понять, благодаря чему мафия добилась той степени влияния, которой она ныне обладает, тогда эта книга – для вас.

Vol. 2, № 1. - 2002. - 161 p.

This 2,000 page guide is divided into four main sections: Section I: Financial Transactions and Fraud Schemes: Describes hundreds of fraud schemes, as well as information about basic accounting concepts and managers' and auditors' responsibilities to detect fraud. Section II: Law: Focuses on the statutes and common law principles involved in prosecuting fraudsters through both the criminal and civil systems, as well as legal pitfalls you may encounter in conducting an investigation. Section III: Investigation: Provides the basic tools and techniques necessary to gather information and evidence when conducting a fraud examination and identifying perpetrators. The appendix contains a sample fraud examination report, fraud examination checklist and sample engagement and opinion letters. Section IV: Fraud Prevention and Deterrence: Explores why people commit fraud and what can be done to prevent it. Topics covered in this section include crime causation, white-collar crime, occupational fraud, fraud prevention, fraud risk assessment and Code of Professional Ethics.

Annotation. Press coverage of the 1888 mutilation murders attributed to Jack the Ripper was of necessity filled with gaps and silences, for the killer remained unknown and Victorian journalists had little experience reporting serial murders and sex crimes. This engrossing book examines how fourteen London newspapers-dailies and weeklies, highbrow and lowbrow-presented the Ripper news, in the process revealing much about the social, political, and sexual anxieties of late Victorian Britain and the role of journalists in reinforcing social norms. L. Perry Curtis surveys the mass newspaper culture of the era, delving into the nature of sensationalism and the conventions of domestic murder news. Analyzing the fourteen newspapers-two of which emanated from the East End, where the murders took place-he shows how journalists played on the fears of readers about law and order by dwelling on lethal violence rather than sex, offering gruesome details about knife injuries but often withholding some of the more intimate details of the pelvic mutilations. He also considers how the Ripper news affected public perceptions of social conditions in Whitechapel.