Эта книга - итог 10-летней работы по переосмыслению советского прошлого, решительная ревизия военных мифов, унаследованных от сталинского агитпропа, бескомпромиссная полемика с историческим официозом. Это - горькая правда о кровавом 1945-м, который был не только годом Победы, но и БЕДЫ - недаром многие события последних месяцев войны до сих пор обходят молчанием, архивы так и не рассекречены до конца, а самые горькие, "неудобные" и болезненные вопросы по сей день остаются без ответов. Когда на самом деле закончилась Великая Отечественная война? Почему Берлин не был взят в феврале 1945 года и пришлось штурмовать его в апреле? Кто в действительности брал Рейхстаг и поднял Знамя Победы? Оправданны ли огромные потери советских танков, брошенных в кровавый хаос уличных боев, и правда ли, что в Берлине сгорела не одна танковая армия? Кого и как освобождали советские войска в Европе? Какова подлинная цена Победы? И кто на самом деле победил во Второй Мировой войне? Эта книга завершает 5-томную историю Великой Отечественной войны от Владимира Бешанова.

Vol. 2. - 458 p.

NATIONAL SOCIALISM as an intellectual movement emanated in the years 1926–28 from the brains of a few—chiefly north—German thinkers. As a political force it sprang from the mass-membership of the great Fatherland Party and the Pan-German Association. In a word—it was born of the annexationist militarism of 1917. In 1919 it became an independent political movement. Out of its raw material the Reichswehr in Munich forged a political weapon. This weapon was given shape in 1921 by Captain Ernst Röhm, and by a man of outstanding intellect but unstable character—Adolf Hitler. The movement derived its title from Hitler’s native Austria. It was adopted against the wishes of the present leaders and does not represent their political ideas. Those members of the National Socialist Workers Party who subsequently sought to give a literal interpretation to its title found themselves compelled by force of logic to leave its ranks.

Confronting Hitler examines the lives of ten socialist leaders in their fight against Nazism. It reveals the aspects of these people's lives that most decisively shaped their views and actions during the Weimar Republic's final crisis, and it compares the German socialist experience of 1933 with those of other democratic socialist movements in the twentieth century.

Nazism is usually depicted as the outcome of political blunders and unique economic factors: we are told that it could not be prevented, and that it will never be repeated. In this explosive book, Guido Giacomo Preparata shows that the truth is very different: using meticulous economic analysis, he demonstrates that Hitler's extraordinary rise to power was in fact facilitated -- and eventually financed -- by the British and American political classes during the decade following World War I. Through a close analysis of events in the Third Reich, Preparata unveils a startling history of Anglo-American geopolitical interests in the early twentieth century. He explains that Britain, still clinging to its empire, was terrified of an alliance forming between Germany and Russia. He shows how the UK, through the Bank of England, came to exercise control over Weimar Germany and how Anglo-American financial support for Hitler enabled the Nazis to seize power. This controversial study shows that Nazism was not regarded as an aberration: for the British and American establishment of the time, it was regarded as a convenient way of destabilising Europe and driving Germany into conflict with Stalinist Russia, thus preventing the formation of any rival continental power block. Guido Giacomo Preparata lays bare the economic forces at play in the Third Reich, and identifies the key players in the British and American establishment who aided Hitler's meteoric rise.

The "new soviet person" the Bolsheviks were committed to creating was to be a creature willing and eager to subordinate his or her own interests to those of society. Both men and women would play a full role in the construction of socialism, but the model of the "new women" had an additional feature--she also had to reproduce the population. This book explores the ways in which the "new woman," in her various incarnations, was presented to female citizens of the 1920s to the end of the Stalin era in the pages of popular women's magazines, Rabotnitsa (The Woman Worker) and Krest'yanka (The Peasant Woman).

Under Stalin's leadership, the Soviet government carried out a massive number of deportations, incarcerations, and executions. Paradoxically, at the very moment that Soviet authorities were killing thousands of individuals, they were also engaged in an enormous pronatalist campaign to boost the population. Even as the number of repressions grew exponentially, Communist Party leaders enacted sweeping social welfare and public health measures to safeguard people's well-being. Extensive state surveillance of the population went hand in hand with literacy campaigns, political education, and efforts to instill in people an appreciation of high culture. In Cultivating the Masses, David L. Hoffmann examines the Party leadership's pursuit of these seemingly contradictory policies in order to grasp fully the character of the Stalinist regime, a regime intent on transforming the socioeconomic order and the very nature of its citizens. To analyze Soviet social policies, Hoffmann places them in an international comparative context. He explains Soviet technologies of social intervention as one particular constellation of modern state practices. These practices developed in conjunction with the ambitions of nineteenth-century European reformers to refashion society, and they subsequently prompted welfare programs, public health initiatives, and reproductive regulations in countries around the world. The mobilizational demands of World War I impelled political leaders to expand even further their efforts at population management, via economic controls, surveillance, propaganda, and state violence. Born at this moment of total war, the Soviet system institutionalized these wartime methods as permanent features of governance. Party leaders, whose dictatorship included no checks on state power, in turn attached interventionist practices to their ideological goal of building socialism.

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Details what ordinary life was like during the extraordinary years of the reign of Soviet Union. Thirty-six illustrations, thematic chapters, a glossary, timeline, annotated multimedia bibliography, and detailed index make it a sound starting point for looking at this powerful nation's immediate past. What was ordinary life like in the Soviet police state? The phrase daily life implies an orderly routine in a stable environment. However, many millions of Soviet citizens experienced repeated upheavals in their everyday lives. Soviet citizens were forced to endure revolution, civil war, two World Wars, forced collectivization, famine, massive deportations, mass terror campaigns perpetrated against them by their own leaders, and chronic material deprivations. Even the perpetrators often became victims. Many millions, of all ages, nationalities, and walks of life, did not survive these experiences. At the same time, millions managed to live tranquilly, work in factories, farm the fields, serve in the military, and even find joy in their existence. Structured topically, this volume begins with an historical introduction to the Soviet period (1917-1991) and a timeline. Chapters that follow are devoted to such core topics as: government and law, the economy, the military, rural life, education, health care, housing, ethnic groups, religion, the media, leisure, popular culture, and the arts. The volume also has two maps, including a map of ethnic groups and languages, and over thirty photographs of people going about their lives in good times and bad. A glossary, a list of student-friendly books and multimedia sources for classroom and/or individual use, and an index round out the work, making it a valuable resource for high school as well as undergraduate courses on modern Russian and Soviet history. Copious chapter endnotes provide numerous starting points for students and teachers who want to delve more deeply.

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The Chief Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff, also known as GRU, is the section of the KGB responsible for the international arena. Suvorov, a Soviet defector, was a member, and here he reveals the organization's inner workings. Readers will find here a thorough analysis of the structure of GRU, its recruiting, training and methods of planting agents in governmental, military and technological centers of the enemy.

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Махно - один із найяскравіших лідерів українського народу, якого радянська пропаганда називала бандитом, а справу його замовчувала. Зараз Нестора Махна порівнюють з Робін Гудом, Спартаком, товаришем Че. Виходець з найбіднішого селянства, він у 29 років зумів зібрати під прапором анархії 100-тисячну армію і почав створювати на південному сході України анархістське суспільство - трудову федерацію, яка проіснувала 100 днів під постійними ударами білих і червоних. Через 70 років після смерті цей степовий вовк став культовою фігурою серед сучасної молоді Європи, а ідеї анархізму, які сповідував Махно, у наш час перекочували з робітничих бараків до арт-богемних тусовок. Ким же був Махно у реальному житті? На це питання і дає відповідь нова книга Віктора Савченка, що присвячена одному з найвідоміших українців ХХ ст.

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